Illinois Mine War

In A County Named Christian

2011-08-01T12:47:00.000-07:00

Here's a link to my latest pos t. If you haven't yet, please update your bookmark to the new blog site.

Cheers -

Sit-Down In Wilsonville ~ Part II

2011-06-27T16:42:00.000-07:00

Here's the link to the conclusion of my article on the Wilsonville Sit-Down Strike.

Happy Birthday, Les!

2011-05-24T09:20:00.000-07:00

Here's a link to my latest post. If you haven't yet, please update your bookmark to the new blog site.

Cheers -

Sit-Down In Wilsonville

2011-05-15T09:24:00.000-07:00

Here's a link to my latest post. If you haven't yet, please update your bookmark to the new blog site.

Cheers -

“Gimme That Rifle.”

2011-04-04T07:00:00.000-07:00

Here's my latest post on violence in the Midland coal fields. Click here to read it. Also, if you subscribe to this blog, please update your aggregator with the new blog address.

"Dare You Fail Us Now?"

2011-02-28T08:24:00.000-08:00

Please check out my latest blog post - "Dare You Fail Us Now?"

(I'm in the process of fully integrating this blog with the project's home site - minewar.org. You can check out the progress of this transition at minewar.info. All new blog posts will originate there but I'll continue cross-posting to this site.)

Family History

2010-09-21T07:48:00.000-07:00

Recently I had the good fortune to connect with Dominic "Bert" Bertinetti. His family's connection to the Illinois Mine War is truly remarkable.

Bert's grandmother is Emma Cumerlatto, a mine war martyr who was shot on her porch in Kincaid, IL on January 3, 1933. No one was ever punished for the murder.

Her funeral was attended by thousands and the procession extended miles from Taylorville to Kincaid. Women's Auxiliary President, Agnes Burnes Wiecke offered an inspired eulogy although she was frequently interrupted by the military aircraft buzzing the solemn event below.

Emma Cumerlatto Family - Emma is pictured on the right. Her daughter
and Dominic's mother, Mary is the young girl in the lower center of this
photograph which was taken about 1915. (courtesy of Dominic Bertinetti).

Bert's father is Dominic Bertinetti. He was the victim of a drive-by shooting at PMA headquarters in Springfield, IL on Easter Sunday, April 21, 1935. Although PMA leader, Edris Mabie was killed, fortunately Bertinetti survived the attack . The car's occupants included UMWA District 12 President Ray Edmundson. However, Edmundson and his accomplices were never tried because a coroner’s inquest returned an open verdict and failed to fix blame for the murder.

Remarkably, Bertinetti is also the nephew of Robert Shingleton. Shingleton was arrested and convicted of murder along with four other men after the accidental shooting of 12 year old Laverne Miller. Shingleton and a peer were members of the UMWA while the three others were members of the Progressive Miners. Popularly referred to as “The DuQuoin Boys,” former PMA newspaper editor Gerry Allard led a nation-wide campaign to win their release. In a rare instance of cooperation, the UMWA and PMA worked collaboratively to secure their freedom, along with a number of social justice advocates. Those included Roger Baldwin, Upton Sinclair, John Dos Passos and Suzanne LaFollette.

A pardon was signed by Illinois Governor Stelle on Xmas Eve, 1940

Cherry Mine Disaster at the Abraham Lincoln Library

2010-09-05T06:35:00.000-07:00

Here's part one of a ten-part YouTube video series on the 1909 Cherry Mine Disaster. This panel discussion was hosted by the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum on January 26, 2010.

The tragedy resulted in the loss of 259 lives. And as is often the case, those deaths provided the necessary impetus for new safety regulations in the mines.

Here's the link to another site on the disaster. It includes an impressive collection of photos including this one.

The Cherry Mine Disaster is an important event to remember this Labor Day and for many to come.

Road To Hell

2010-08-16T09:15:00.000-07:00

This past week marks the 78th anniversary of the events which incited the Illinois Mine War.

United Mine Workers District 12 had been on strike in Illinois since April, 1932. On August 6, 1932, a referendum was held to determine whether its members would accept the coal operators proposal - a decline in wages from $6.10/day to $5.00/day. Four days later the ballots were stolen.

UMWA rallies West Frankfort miners during the strike.

The Nation magazine reported:

"…before the votes could be counted, and in fact while the ballot boxes were being transported…to the district headquarters of the United Mine Workers where they were to be opened and the votes tallied, the boxes were stolen by two armed men.

John L. Lewis, international president, promptly declared that an emergency existed and that under his emergency powers he would have to order the new contract to take effect immediately.

Obviously, nothing was said in the Lewis announcement concerning the fact that ownership of the automobile in which the two thugs were riding had been traced to Fox Hughes, vice-president of the Illinois district of the United Mine Workers and one of Lewis’s henchmen. It is not surprising that a new revolt against the Lewis-Walker leadership is spreading among the Illinois miners, who are continuing the strike despite Lewis’ order."

The Nation, August 24, 1932

This bit of burlesque characterized the feelings of many of Illinois miners at that time:

John L. Lewis blew the whistle;
John H. Walker rang the bell;
Fox Hughes stole the ballots,
and the miners wages went to hell.

"It Was A Night To Remember."

2010-07-04T08:08:00.000-07:00

The Colonial Theater in Gillespie, IL was often used as a community meeting hall when large numbers needed to assemble.

During the UMWA strike in the spring of 1932, UMWA District 12 President, John Walker came to Gillespie to argue for the wage reductions supported by John L. Lewis and the mine owners.

Photo courtesy of Jill Secoy

Western Illinois University Professor Emeritus, Victor Hicken attended the meeting:

"I was only about 10 and I went there with my mother.

He [John Walker] got about ten minutes into his speech and all of sudden you had these people getting up. And it seems to me that the first fellow to get up was a Scot by the name of Easton. And he tore into Walker. And when he sat down somebody else got up and tore into Walker.

And right in the middle of this, I was sitting there – a hunk of plaster from the ceiling came right down and landed on my lap – just missed my head. It scared the living daylights out of me. But that didn’t interrupt anything.

I mean from that time on Walker I don’t think ever finished his speech. He had to walk off if I remember correctly, he didn’t finish his speech.

It was a night to remember."

This meeting was characteristic of the inability of the UMWA leadership to win rank and file support for the reduced wage. After losing two contract elections, Lewis seized power by declaring an emergency to impose the new contract. Lewis' actions precipitated violence and bloodshed for years to come.

Superior #4 ~ Wilsonville

2010-06-14T18:13:00.001-07:00

Here's a photo of Superior #4 in Wilsonville, IL. This was the site of the famous Wilsonville Sitdown Strike. Click here to learn more about the strike and to see a contemporary photo of the site.

Photo provided courtesy of Wayne Hinton

Hand Crafted From Coal

2010-06-07T15:44:00.000-07:00

John L. Lewis, President of the United Mine Workers of America from 1920 - 1960 is still revered among many retired coal miners.

This Lewis bust was sculpted from a lump of coal by Mid-West Crafts in Pikeville, KY. It was provided courtesy of the Christian County Coal Mine Museum.

Yesterday and Today

2010-05-17T17:36:00.000-07:00

Two views of the Staunton Labor Temple.The first was taken in the early 1930's and the other photograph was made this spring.

Nice to see a labor hub regarded as postcard-worthy in its day. At the same time, it's difficult to see that happening today.

Staunton was also the launching point for the Mulkeytown March. More on that here. You can also view the route of the march by clicking on the Google Mine War Map in the right column

Thanks again to Sean Burns for sharing the post card.

Mill Shadows: "Organize our strength as a working class."

2010-05-12T08:35:00.000-07:00

Initially, an important part of the Progressive Miners’ program was to raise the class consciousness of its members and the broader community.

Tom Tippett, formally of the Brookwood Labor College was hired to head the PMA’s first Education Department. In a letter to the membership and auxiliaries Tippet wrote; “Our notion of an education activity is anything that will enable us better to organize our strength as a working class….We should like to set up classes in public speaking, in the writing and production of labot plays, in singing songs of labor, and we want to bring in outside speakers.”

Tippett was an author as well as an organizer and former miner. His play, Mill Shadows tells the story of workers who rebel and change their town from an industrial village to a union community. The play was directed by Tippett and cast by members of the Women’s Auxiliary.

Mill Shadows was performed in mining communities across Illinois with a final performance in St. Louis.

Thanks to Sean Burns for sharing this handbill.

In her memoirs housed at the University of Illinois at Springfield, Irene Allard describes how she was cast as “Granny” in the play:

I went to the Colonial Theater to try out and he [Tom Tippett] ignored me. He wouldn’t even let me read. And I was so unhappy when I went home I almost cried that he didn’t even let have a chance.

He chose a woman that the leading character in the Mill Shadows was a mountain woman. Sixty-five years old who walked with a cane and smoked a pipe…

Anyhow then Gerry [Allard] and I went to Chicago to ‘Free Mooney’ conference, convention. And we were gone about a week.

And when we came back I went right up to Tom’s office, “How’s Mill Shadows?” And he was a very dramatic person and he used his hands, you know.

And he starts pulling his hair, “It’s not going right. This woman that was to portray Granny, she couldn’t memorize the part. She hadn’t got beyond the first act. And we’ve got two weeks before opening night.”

So while he’s dramatizing there a little boy walked in, handed him a note and he read it and he turned to me and said, “Be at the theater at two o’clock.”

And I looked at him. I said, “What do you mean be at the theater at two o’clock.”

He says, “You’re Granny.”

And I said, “I’m not Granny.”

I said, “I wanted to be – (they had, one of the girls was named Irene.) I said, “I wanted to be Irene and you wouldn’t let me read for it. How can I be Granny?”

“You be at the theater at two o’clock.” Well, I was there at two o’clock and I became Granny. And that was one of the fun times in my life because it was something I never dreamed I could do.

Falling Backwards

2010-04-07T08:42:00.000-07:00

“It was not unusual for the mine executive to come to the mine and conduct an investigation if a mule was injured or killed. But no such investigation ever took place when a miner was killed.”

~~ Jack Battuello describes 1920's mining conditions in Illinois.

Labor unions are commonly considered in a narrow light; organizations which bargain and press for better pay and benefits for their members. However, that's far too limited a view when thinking of organized labor in the coal fields. As Battuello and his peers knew all too well, mine owners were obsessed with profits and considered human life disposable. The fight for humane safety standards was a rallying cry that contributed to the growth of the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) in the early 20th century. And to this day the UMWA continues to play a important role in improving safety conditions in mines.

Although mules are no longer part of the mining industry, the callous disregard for human life in the mines seems to endure. And due to decades of persistent erosion of labor rights in the U.S., the UMWA lacks the influence and power it once held in the industry. In an unsafe mine, non-union workers are presented with the unenviable option to either speak up and be fired, or pipe down and pray for the best.

Government regulators offer little relief. As part of the coal companies' obstinate drive for profits, massive political campaign contributions and lobbying ensure that the enforcement of mine safety standards are diluted adequately to allow unsafe mines to operate without the obligation to correct life-threatening conditions. But after decades of anti-regulatory "free market" hyperbole and policy, should anyone be surprised?

In response to Upper Big Branch Mine tragedy, last night MSNBC's Rachel Maddow interviewed the excellent Jeff Biggers on the causes of mine disasters.

Visit msnbc.com for Breaking News, World News, and News about the Economy

Massey Energy Company, led by its notorious CEO Don Blankenship appears to be culpable in this latest tragedy. And if the opportunity exists, I sincerely hope those responsible are held criminally liable. But Massey thrives not because of any one individual, but because our system is built to support reckless greed.

While coal mining will never be completely safe, it's clear that miners represented by the UMWA work in safer mines and are less likely to die on the job than workers with no union protections. If elected officials really want to address this problem, they need to end the widespread union-busting common in the coal industry and put teeth back into mine safety regulations.

I'll believe that when I see it.

p.s. - Kudos to the Ken Ward, Jr. at the Charleston Gazette's blog Coal Tattoo. Their coverage of this tragedy is second to none.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
April 8 Update - Here's a link to a press release from the United Mine Workers on Massey Energy Company's safety record.

This excerpt speaks to the inadequacy of mine safety regulation enforcement in the U.S.:

"Mine Safety and Health Administration (MSHA) observed, 'It’s quite evident something went very wrong here.' Stricklin went on to say that 'all explosions are preventable'...

However, MSHA has been prevented from taking more aggressive action at this mine because the operator has contested over 30 percent of the violations, leaving them in limbo until adjudicated by the Federal Mine Health and Safety Review Commission (FMHSRC). 'That means no pattern of violations can be readily established at this mine, leaving MSHA without the ability to use stronger enforcement powers,' [UMWA President Cecil] Roberts said."

"To Our Militant Leader...From Militant Admirers"

2010-04-03T16:34:00.000-07:00

I had the great fortune to interview Sean Burns this week. Sean is a descendant of Agnes Burns Wieck, the first president of the Illinois Women's Auxiliary of the Progressive Miners of America. Agnes was a legendary organizer, gifted leader and political visionary.

Detail from Agnes' quilt. The inscription reads,
"To Our Militant Leader" "From Militant Admirers"

In addition to providing a thoughtful and heart-felt interview, Sean was kind enough to bring along family photos and a rare artifact, a hand-made quilt given to Agnes by her supporters shortly before completing her term in office. The names of each of the women who created the quilt are also embroidered into the fabric in bright red thread.

You can read more about Agnes in an earlier post here. The best account of her remarkable life can be found in Woman from Spillertown: A Memoir of Agnes Burns Wieck by her son David Thoreau Wieck.

I'll be sharing more from my interview with Sean in future posts.

Mine War Site - Mine "B"

2010-03-21T13:47:00.000-07:00

Mine shaft location - Mine "B", Springfield, IL.

In the 1930's, Mine "B" was owned by Carl Elshoff, and was organized by the Progressive Miners following their split from the UMWA. The Progressives later struck the mine after the UMWA attempted to assert control over the labor force. FBI records indicate that John L. Lewis provided funds to Elshoff to help him break the PMA strike.

Recommending the indictment of Lewis in a 1943 memo , Assistant U.S. Attorney General, Wendell Berge wrote, "Throughout the history of the trade union movement, agreements between a labor union and an employer to the detriment of a rival union, however bitter the enmity, have been despised and deemed treasonable and traitorous to the cause of labor."

However, no federal indictments were ever issued against Lewis or District 12.

Pressure From Below

2010-02-21T08:57:00.001-08:00

When considering the political fallout of the Great Depression, one has to wonder why the U.S. moved leftward, enacting a number of social and economic reforms. In Europe for example, the economic crisis provided an opportunity for fascist parties to win control in Germany and Italy.

Unemployed Council protest in Bloomington, IL - 1933
(Courtesy of McLean County Museum of History)

One reason was there was considerable organized resistance from the working class. At Pantagraph.com, Bill Kemp, archivist/librarian for the McLean County Museum of History shares a great story today on the Unemployed Council in Bloomington, IL.

Kemp writes, "the local Unemployed Council, led by Bloomington resident C. 'Hank' Mayer, seemed everywhere, organizing street actions, petitioning local governments and trading barbs in The Pantagraph with those who did not share its Popular Front (or communist-allied) prescriptions to right the faltering economy. Members of the group also undertook actions such as illegally restoring water service for out-of-work residents who failed to pay their bills."

Such organized resistance was common and widespread. And it pressured a nervous government to act. As historian Victor Hicken noted, "This country came awfully close to changing governments."

While one has to resist the urge to draw direct parallels between the 1930's and now, I have no doubt that well organized mass resistance today might induce government officials to venture outside of their corporate-fabricated gilded cage.

In Memorium ~ Evanell Williams (1925-2009)

2010-02-16T17:54:00.000-08:00

Last week I was saddened to learn that Evanell Williams died on Christmas Eve, 2009. I had the good fortune to meet her late last summer when I conducted an interview with her husband, Ben for this project. (His father was a member of the United Mine Workers during the Mine War. Ben is a former miner and continues the fight for worker's rights as an active retiree with the UMWA.)

After the interview, I sat and visited with the couple for awhile. Eventually we meandered outside to look at their lush garden next to the house. To thank them for their hospitality, I shot a quick portrait of the couple there.

Ben and Evanell Williams

As it turned out, a cropped version of that photo was used for Evanell's obituary. I'm glad they liked the photo, but also sad that it was needed for that purpose.

Here's a link to her obituary published in the Harrisburg Register. My sincere condolences to Ben and his family.

Book Review ~ Reckoning At Eagle Creek

2010-01-29T09:24:00.000-08:00

In Jeff Biggers’ new book, Reckoning At Eagle Creek: The Secret Legacy of Coal In The Heartland, he quotes a friend: “The abuse of the land is always connected to the abuse of the people.” This theme resonates throughout as Biggers entwines family history with industrial, labor, native and environmental histories of Southern Illinois.

This abuse came with the relentless drive to extract coal from the region. Mining shovels stripped away not only farmland and homesteads but also “ripped out the roots of invaluable historic sites and stories, such as the secret black slave cemetery that had helped to give birth to the coal industry, and churned them into unrecognizable dust.”

I was delighted that Jeff chose to include a mine war image that I unearthed to open chapter 1. The photograph depicts the strikebreaking Illinois state militia protecting Peabody Mine Number 7 in Kincaid. Even better, the picture introduces a chapter that speaks to contemporary government coal policy, including recent corporate welfare extended to Peabody Energy paid for by Illinois taxpayers. The juxtaposition suggests Peabody’s reliance on government support hasn’t changed much in the last 80 years.

However, I don’t fully agree with Biggers' characterization of the Illinois Mine War. On the contract election which incited the District 12 split, he writes, “When ballots for the vote on the new accord disappeared in Illinois, throwing the union into disarray, Lewis invoked his authority and signed the agreement.”

There is evidence that the ballots didn’t just disappear, but instead were stolen by a Lewis loyalist when it became clear that the election was lost. District 12 Vice President Fox Hughes (who also played a cowardly role in the Herrin Massacre ten years earlier) was seen driving off with the ballots. Lewis seized this moment and usurped the legitimate authority of the ballot box to replace it with his own autocratic rule. Democracy didn’t return to District 12 for decades.

Later, Biggers writes, “the most tragic ‘war’ was not between the miners and the coal companies, but between the miners themselves.” This is a common generalization about the mine war which is incomplete, and does an injustice to the idealistic founders of the Progressive Miners as well as to deny us an understanding of Lewis’ actions. While I’m sure this isn’t true in Biggers’ case, such a characterization can leave one believing that the Illinois Mine War was simply a factional dispute within the UMWA, ignoring the role of the government and most importantly, the role of the coal operators.

Satellite photo depicts the scars of strip mining in Southern Illinois

During that period in Illinois, the UMWA functioned essentially as a company union for Peabody Coal. Lewis led his loyalists to cross picket lines and break lawful strikes. Strikebreakers and thugs were recruited under auspices of the UMWA during that time to protect heavily fortified Peabody mines in Harrisburg and the Midland Tract in Christian County. Far from a simple factional dispute, Peabody Coal worked with Lewis to protect its dominance in the Illinois coal industry. FBI records show that when a picket line couldn’t be broken, Lewis funneled UMWA funds to a mine operator in order to withstand a PMA strike. And when it was eventually broken, the remaining workers fell under the control of the United Mine Workers.

That being said, one needs to remember that most of the discussion of the Illinois Mine War is accurate and part of a much broader historical mosaic. Biggers’ ties to the Mine War run deep too. Joe Colbert, a distant family relative, was the first casualty of the conflict. Further the profile of Agnes Burns Wieck and subsequent discussion of the inspiring role of women in the PMA organizing and activism is a great read.

For me Reckoning At Eagle Creek helps redress “historicide, a problem discussed in the book. The term, “historicide”, was coined by anthropologist Jonathan Hill and refers to the process of separating people from their histories. Jeff Biggers capably restores much of that history. Bravo.

Who Sees Dead People?

2010-01-18T13:31:00.000-08:00

Earlier I wrote about Blair Mountain, West Virginia, its historical importance, and the effort to preserve it. (here & here.)

Recently Jeff Biggers offered an update on the bizarre actions of the West Virginia Historic Preservation Office.

Biggers reports: "On December 30, 2009, the historic Blair Mountain Battlefield was removed from the National Register by the Interim Keeper of the National Register, Carol Shull despite the fact that the WV State Historic Preservation Officer list of land-owning objectors admittedly included TWO DEAD PEOPLE and two life estate holders--all of whom should be disqualified.

Not quite admittedly: In an email inquiry on January 6th, WV SHPO Susan Pierce wrote: 'We cannot confirm or deny that there are no deceased on the SHPO list dated May 21, 2009.'...If the SHPO, whose state mandate is to 'identify, recognize, preserve and protect West Virginia's prehistoric and historic structures and sites,' openly doesn't even know who is an objector on the Blair Mountain list, outside of what she has been told by the coal companies."

From the Mt. Olive Public Library

2010-01-10T18:36:00.001-08:00

Here's an image from the collection of the Mt. Olive, IL Public Library.

Charter of PMA Local 35 in Mt. Olive, IL

Mt. Olive is also the home of the Union Miners Cemetery, the final resting place of Mother Jones. PMA Local 35, led by Joe Ozanic spearheaded the effort to erect the Mother Jones Monument which was dedicated October 11, 1936.

Thanks to the library and its director, Janice Thimsen for providing access to the collection.

Christmas Eve, 1932 ~ Tragedy in Moweaqua

2009-12-22T13:31:00.001-08:00

Coal mining was an extremely hazardous job in the U.S. during the first half of the 20th century. The Christmas holiday marked a dark day for Illinois mining in 1932. On the morning of Christmas Eve, an underground methane gas explosion took the lives of 54 miners.

"Families of miners, sober faced and dry eyed, waited Saturday,
not for Christmas and the coming of Santa Claus, but for mine rescue
workers to reach their fathers and older brothers." ~ Moweaqua News
photo courtesy of Moweaqua Public Library

The Moweaqua Mine was among those newly organized by the Progressive Miners. While donations poured in from across the state, Mark Sorenson notes: "John L. Lewis, head of the United Mine Workers, sent a check for $4000 (some reported $1000) that was refused by the Moweaqua Progressive Miner Union. They thought it was hypocritical to send money while the UMW was instigating beatings and killings of PMWA members just a few miles away where the PMWA were striking." Although the union rejected the donation, it was accepted by local relief committee.

The Moweaqua Public Library District has created a great site on the history of coal mining in the town - Mining More In Moweaqua.

Here's a two-minute trailer from a documentary produced on the disaster.

A limited number of DVD's of the film are available from the library.

Freeman United Coal Company Accused of Repeated Clean Water Act Violations

2009-12-20T07:30:00.000-08:00

Here's a link to an article by Jeff Biggers at Huffington Post on the effort of central Illinois environmentalists to hold Freemen United Coal Company accountable for violations of the Clean Water Act.

Grindstone Creek, a waterway near the
strip mine is polluted with mine waste.

According to the article, whether or not the company is responsible for the mess isn't in question. The Heart of Illinois Group Sierra Club asserts Freeman Coal's records show that its strip mine has broken the law hundreds of times in the last five years"

In an all-too-familiar pattern, those in government charged with ensuring that laws are enforced in order to protect the public and the environment turn a blind eye to gross violations. Instead members of the public are left on their own to hold offenders accountable, in this case through expensive law suits.

You can lend your support to this effort. Contact the following groups to learn more:

Sierra Club - Heart of Illinois Group

Prairie Rivers Network

Environmental Law and Policy Center

The BBC Reports on Clean Coal

2009-12-03T08:01:00.000-08:00

Here's the link to a new report from the BBC - Clean Coal: Fool's Gold or the Bright Future?

The story raises a number of important issues. First, the costs to implement carbon capture may make coal prohibitively expensive - that is if it works. Further, industry representatives and Energy Department acknowledge that widespread use of the technology isn't likely to be seen until 2030.

So even if it works and is economically feasible, it's deployment may occur too late to slow global warming. Why are we doing this?

Mine War Site ~ Superior No. 4

2009-11-27T14:08:00.001-08:00

Former site of Superior Mine No. 4 in Wilsonville, IL. On May 21, 1937, 540 PMA miners called an underground sit-down strike.

The week-long strike was called to protect "share of time" provisions. The striking miners demanded the right to protect one another from the loss of jobs caused by mechanization. If full-time workers could share their hours, layoffs could be prevented and miners could at least earn sustenance wages.

Bill Campion, a member of the strike committee proclaimed, "We demand the right to share our poverty with our fellow workers."

From The National Archives

2009-11-19T09:04:00.000-08:00

Image taken from 1937 federal court records at the National Archives in Chicago.

34 members of the Progressive Miners and 2 others were convicted of interfering with the U.S. mail and conspiracy to violate the Sherman Anti-Trust Act.

In These Times Highlights Mine War Project

2009-11-19T06:59:00.000-08:00

Writing for the In These Times blog, Working, contributing editor Kari Lyderson was kind enough to highlight this project.

After you read the post, don't forget to check out Kari's latest book, Revolt On Goose Island. The book documents the successful struggle of UE members employed by Republic Windows and Doors to win a settlement from the company's creditor, Bank of America. The worker's strategic campaign included a factory occupation which garnered international public support.

Cherry Mine Centennial Commemoration

2009-11-03T06:26:00.000-08:00

On November 13, 1909, a fire broke out at the Cherry Mine in northern Illinois. Of the 450 miners working underground, 259 men and boys succumbed to flames and smoke. The labor force was predominantly composed of immigrant workers. As with most industrial accidents, the Cherry Mine disaster was avoidable. The calamity inspired public outrage, resulting in a new workman's compensation law and stronger mine safety regulations.

259 people were killed in the Cherry mine disaster.

On November 14-15, the Village of Cherry will commemorate the disaster and the miners. A full weekend of ceremonies is planned, free and open to the public. Featured speakers and performers include UMWA Vice President Steve Earl, and singer and labor historian, Bucky Halker. Walking tours of the cemetery and mine site will also be conducted.

Here's a download link to a PDF flyer for the event.

Here's a short video on the disaster:

[ Download ]

In Memorium ~ John Sigler (1935 - 2009)

2009-10-24T07:45:00.000-07:00

I was saddened to learn of the passing of John Sigler on October 16. In addition to being featured in the upcoming documentary, John was a great supporter and resource for this project. You might recall that John's father Joe, was killed in the mine war in 1934.

My condolences to John's family for their loss. He was a great guy.

John Sigler at the grave site of his father
Joe, a mine war martyr. Godspeed, John.

Here's the obituary from the Peoria Journal Star

HANNA CITY - John F. Sigler, 74, a native of Bulpitt, Ill., and a resident of Hanna City, Ill., passed away Friday, Oct. 16, 2009, at the residence of his daughter.

John was born April 23, 1935, in Bulpitt, Ill., to Joseph and Francis (Simmons) Sigler.

He is survived by his son, Michael of Peoria, Ill.; daughter, Angela (Greg) Ruchotzke; grandchildren, Joshua, Emily and Jacob, all of Hanna City, Ill.; and brother, David of Tampa, Fla.

He was preceded in death by his parents, one sister and two brothers.

John retired from Caterpillar in 1999.

He was a member of St. Rita's Catholic Church in Kincaid, Ill.

John had a strong sense of civic duty and was a member of the Optimist Club, Lions Club, Knights of Columbus and VFW. He received the Silver Beagle Award from the Boy Scouts of America in honor of his 28 years in scouting.

John was a veteran of the United States Air Force, where he served from 1954 to 1958 and received the Air Force Commendation Medal for service above and beyond and further served from 1960 to 1961 in the Air National Guard.

John was actively involved in the U.S. Coast Guard Auxiliary, Div. 8, in East Peoria, Ill., for the past 20 years.

John was a loving father and grandfather who enjoyed working on his boat and spending time with his grandchildren. His friendship and desire to help others was appreciated by many.

Visitation will be held from 10 to 11 a.m. Tuesday, Oct. 20, 2009, at St. Matthew's Catholic Church in Farmington, with a funeral Mass following at 11 a.m. Father John Verrier will be officiating. Burial will follow in Trivoli Cemetery.

In lieu of flowers, memorials may be made to the Cystic Fibrosis Foundation or the U.S. Coast Guard Auxiliary. Anderson-Sedgwick Funeral Home, Farmington, Ill., is in charge of arrangements.

To submit online condolences, you may go to www.sedgwickfuneralhomes.com.

"It's like we're living in a war zone"

2009-10-07T16:56:00.000-07:00

Mine wars come in different forms. In the late 19th and early 20th century they were often shooting wars. But as Jeff Biggers in The Nation reports, coal operators are now waging an environmental war against West Virginians. Mountaintop removal mining is often the preferred method for coal operators because it's cheaper to perform than underground mining. That is until one calculates the health and environmental costs.

Mountaintop Removal Mining - Hardly a benign practice.

Biggers writes on a recent study by West Virginia University researcher Michael Hendryx: "'The coal industry generates a little more than $8 billion a year in economic benefits for the Appalachian region,' but the researchers also estimated the cost of premature mining-related deaths across the Appalachian coalfields at a yearly average of $42 billion.'"

The all too common corporate practice of privatizing profits while socializing cost is quite apparent here. Biggers also underscores the odious and cozy relationship between the coal industry and government officials. Even in the face of the overwhelming evidence of the harmful effects of this mountaintop removal, state and federal government officials have been slow to protect the public, and others, like West Virginia Democratic Representative Nick Rahall have worked aggressively to protect the coal operators' interests.

The Charleston Gazette's Ken Ward is also cited in Bigger's article and I encourage you follow his blog, Coal Tatoo for excellent reporting on this issue.

Finally, Jeff Biggers is the author of a new book, Reckoning at Eagle Creek: The Secret Legacy of Coal in the Heartland, forthcoming from Nation Books and available for pre-order. I look forward to reviewing that book here soon.

Civic Unionism: An Interview with Rosemary Feurer

2009-09-15T12:51:00.000-07:00

Northern Illinois Unversity Prof. Rosemary Feurer is a friend to this project and great labor historian and activist. Political Affairs Magazine recently published this interview with her.

In the interview, Rosemary discusses her latest book, Radical Unionism in the Midwest, 1900-1950. The publisher notes the book "examines the fierce battles between Midwestern electrical workers and bitterly anti-union electrical and metal industry companies during the 1930s and 40s. Organized as District 8 of the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers (UE) and led by open Communist William Sentner, workers developed a style of unionism designed to confront corporate power and to be a force for social transformation in their community and nation."

Click on the book cover to order
the book from Powell's

In the interview Feurer describes a broader conception of union organizing known as "civic unionism...It is the idea that the union should reflect workers’ interests, their class interests, and that it should also integrate race and gender issues as an extension of those class interests."

She adds, "capital organizes at the local level, just as they do at the global level, that they need that spatial control. And they [the UE] came...to say that we workers need to control our turf, and that I think is representative of class consciousness and of the power relationships."

Campaign For Mother Jones and Eugene Debs Postage Stamps

2009-08-09T17:51:00.000-07:00

The West Virginia Labor History Association board of directors has unanimously voted to support a nationwide campaign to petition the U.S Postal Service to create commemorative stamps in honor of two American labor leaders - Mother Jones and Eugene Debs. They are doing this in collaboration with Sanford Berman, a leading activist and librarian from Minnesota.

Rupert Garcia's 1989 silkscreen "Mother Jones"
would provide ideal artwork for an MJ postage stamp.

Mr. Berman, as a world-renowned expert on libraries and labor history, has been waiting decades for a commemorative stamp for Mother Jones and Eugene Debs. Many people believe that such stamps have already been issued. They have not.

The WVLHA and Mr. Berman are asking everyone to write the U.S. Postal Service to request stamps be printed in honor of Mother Jones and Eugene Debs.

Please join us in honoring American labor leaders by sending a letter or postcard.:

Citizens' Stamp Advisory Committee:
Stamp Development;
U.S. Postal Service
1735 North Lynn St. Rm. 5013
Arlington, VA.22209-6432

You may obtain a copy of a pre-formatted letter by clicking here.

Mr. Berman is also requesting that if you do, send him a copy at -

Sanford Berman
4400 Morningside Road
Edina, MN 55416
952- 925-5738

For more information:

Steve Fesenmaier
West Virginia Labor History Association
907 Churchill Circle
Charleston, WV 25314
304-345-5850
mystery12@charter.net

Mapping The Mine War

2009-07-24T14:12:00.001-07:00

Part of this documentary project is to the map locations of significant events of the Illinois mine war. Thus far I've included information on events in Springfield, the Midland Tract, and the famous Mulkeytown March. You'll find text, photos and even video linked to the various locations.

View Illinois Mine War in a larger map

More to come.

Mine War Site - Peabody No. 7

2009-07-20T06:08:00.000-07:00

Former site of Peabody No. 7 mine in Kincaid, IL which was active from 1912 to 1952. Mass picketing occurred here during the mine war. In 1933, PMA Women's Auxilliary member, Emma Cumerlato was shot and killed a few dozen yards from here.

Emma Cumerlato

"Coal Country" Premieres in West Virginia

2009-07-11T09:24:00.000-07:00

A new film entitled, COAL COUNTRY will premiere today at the Cultural Center of the Capitol Complex in Charleston West Virginia.

The film's web site describes the piece as "the dramatic struggle around the use of coal, which provides over half the electricity in America. In Appalachia, miners and residents are locked in conflict: is mining and processing coal essential to providing good jobs, or is it destroying the land, water and air? What does this mean for the rest of America and the world?"

Here's the trailer:

Although originally scheduled to premiere at the LaBelle Theater in South Charleston, the film had to find a new venue when the board of canceled the screening because of a “potential security concern". These concerns were spurred by the threats of the coal industry to have their followers out in force to picket the event. You can read more about this from Jeff Biggers at the Huffington Post.

You may also host a screening of the film in your community. Go to the COAL COUNTRY web site to learn how.

Mine War Site - Peabody Mine No. 8

2009-07-05T13:52:00.000-07:00

Former site of Peabody Mine No. 8 in Tovey, IL which was active from 1914 to 1954.

Mass picketing occurred here during the mine war. The state militia intervened on behalf of the coal company and the United Mine Workers to break the picket line.

Mine War Site - Peabody Mine No. 58

2009-06-29T14:48:00.000-07:00

Former site of Peabody Mine No. 58 in Hewitville, IL. The mine was active from 1901 - 1952.

Mass picketing occurred here during the mine war. While the PMA was able to close the mine, eventually the picket line was broken with the help of the militia.

Gone Progressive

2009-05-17T10:38:00.000-07:00

Recently I had the opportunity to visit UMWA District 12 headquarters in Springfield, IL. While most of their historically relevant files are archived at Penn State University, District 12 does hold a partial card file which lists the union's locals during the time of the mine war.

Here's a video which shows one of the files:

One can see the word, "Progressive" handwritten next to each local that seceded from the UMWA.

According to the Decatur Herald, the Progressive Miners of America claimed to represent 34,000 of the state's 45,000 union miners when it was founded in September, 1932.

Thanks to the UMWA's Lisa Andrew for sharing this interesting find.

Looking For John L. Lewis

2009-05-17T10:00:00.000-07:00

I recently visited Lewis grave accompanied by UMWA retiree, Larry Wilson, a long-time resident of Springfield who was unaware that Lewis was buried there. While the Mother Jones Monument in the tiny town of Mt. Olive is internationally renown, the location of John L. Lewis' grave site is relatively obscure. The lack of a grandiose monument seems to parallel the low profile Lewis adopted after retiring as head of the United Mine Workers in 1960.

John L. Lewis grave site. The sign in the foreground was added in recent years.

Lewis is buried in Oak Ridge Cemetery in Springfield, IL, the same cemetery which provides the final resting place of Abraham Lincoln. Lewis' death in 1969 generated little interest or anguish.

In it's June 13, 1969 obituary, the New York Times commented:

"The death of the most dynamic, the most constructive, and surely the most colorful of American trade union chiefs has aroused no such emotions - for the simple reason that Lewis' era has since long passed; for fifteen years, at least, he and his works have belonged to history. To say this is in no way to belittle the founded of the C.I.O., but to comment, further, on the swiftness with which history moves in these times, rendering big men and bigger movements 'irrelevant' to the young and nostalgic even to the middle-aged."

For those interested in visiting, click here for a map with directions to the grave.

Blair Mountain Update

2009-05-04T09:29:00.000-07:00

There have been some promising developments in the struggle to protect Blair Mountain and suspend mountaintop mining in the Appalachian Mountains. You can learn more about the historical importance of Blair Mountain by clicking here.

On Tuesday, March 24, Ilovemountains.org reported: "the Environmental Protection Agency announced it would suspend and review permits for two mountaintop removal coal mining operations — and put hundreds more mountaintop coal-mining permits on hold until it can evaluate their impact on our nation’s streams and wetlands."

In addition, the Charleston Gazette's excellent blog, Coal Tattoo reports, "the National Register of Historic Places has approved the long-sought nomination of Blair Mountain, site of the historic coal-mining labor battle in Logan County, W.Va., to the National Register."

There has been some controversy following the announcement. Initially it was reported that West Virginia state government had petitioned to have Blair Mountain removed from the list and federal protection. Since then the West Virginia Division of Culture and History denied that such a petition was filed.

Governor Manchin asserts that the rights of property owners trump historical preservation. I suspect those property owners are either coal operators or those who wish to profit from them.

Rep. Rahall and Rep. Capito support the protection of Blair Mountain. Remaining federal representatives including Senator Byrd and Senator Rockefeller have taken no public position.

More to come.

Centralia Mine Disaster

2009-04-06T14:57:00.000-07:00

Here's a late post to commemorate the Centralia Mine Disaster. The mine exploded on March 25, 1947, in Centralia, Illinois killing 111 miners.

The Mine Safety and Health Administration of the U.S. Department of Labor reported:

"The explosion was caused when an underburdened shot or blown-out shot ignited coal dust. The mine was exceedingly dry and dusty. Heavy deposits of coal dust were present along the roadways and on the roof, ribs, and timbers in working places and entries. At the time of the explosion most of the men were at the man trips on the entries waiting for the shot firers to complete lighting the shots so they could ride to the shaft bottoms on the man trips. At the time of the explosion 142 men were in the mine. Of those, 65 were killed by burns and violence and 45 by afterdamp. Eight men were rescued but one died from the effects of afterdamp. Twenty-four escaped unaided."

UMWA President, John L. Lewis testified before Congress on the disaster. Here's a short video clip of some of his testimony:

Following the disaster UMWA President John L. Lewis invoked the union's right to call memorial days. The miners did not work for six days, beginning March 29, 1947.

In United We Stand: The United Mine Workers of America 1890-1990, Maier B. Fox writes, "The disaster was of such magnitude that both the House and Senate held committee hearings on mine safety. Lewis used those forums to castigate both the operators and the government. He told the representatives that historically the operators philosophy was, 'We kill them, you (the union) provide for their widows and orphans.'"

Lewis' leadership on mine safety during this time is one of the reasons he was held in such high esteem by many miners. In some ways, his actions then make an assessment of his career difficult.

Undoubtedly Lewis was an autocrat that had little use for democratic mechanisms to govern a union. And there seemed to be no limits to the actions he would take to consolidate and hold power. The names of the PMA martyrs etched on the side of the Mother Jones Monument are testament to how dangerous it could be to oppose him.

While he contributed greatly to the growth of industrial unionism through the formation of the CIO, Lewis' need for control ensured top-down structures which left workers reliant on the paternalistic favor of union leaders and bureaucratic processes of the legal system for protection, rather than building rank and file power through democratic unions.

As the decades wore on those legal protections eroded. Arguably those bureaucratic processes now do more to serve business interests, undercutting the rights of workers to speak, organize and act.

That being said Lewis' leadership in the 1940's resulted improved mine safety as well as a welfare and retirement fund. The Centralia Mine Disaster provided the catalyst to force the government to act and the mining industry to acquiesce. The UMWA Welfare and Retirement Fund continues to this day.

Here's Woodie Guthrie's "Dying Miner", to commemorate the tragedy.
Provided courtesy of the excellent Archive.org.

Eyewitness Account of the Mulkeytown March

2009-04-03T07:57:00.000-07:00

Last year I was lucky enough to interview Sam Sabattini, a former resident of Bulpitt, IL as well as former member of the Progressive Miners of America. As a teenager Sabatinni participated in a number of union actions and witnessed mine war violence first-hand.

Following the fradulent contract referendum, west central Illinois miners organized a mass march to southern Illinois to join with their union brothers in the south.

On August 25, 1932, the Decatur Herald & Review reported: "Handbills urging union miners in this section to cease work and meet members of the army of miners from central and northern Illinois were dropped from an airplane over the coal fields and towns of Franklin county Thursday morning.

The text of the handbills: 'Miners of southern Illinois: "All out today. "Meet your 25,000 union brothers at the Franklin county line. "They have come to aid you to put an end to the gunman rule and terrorism which is being used to force you to work under a wage scale you have twice rejected. The miners of the whole district are with you. Down your tools today. Policy Committee, District No. 12. U.M.W.A.'"

Sabattini recalls: "The parade started in Christian County and they were gonna go down to West Frankfort and show the United Mine Workers a show of strength.

Well, between Du Quoin and Christopher there’s a little town called Mulkeytown, okay?

And the highway or the road between East Du Quoin and Mulkeytown was raised up because there was a drainage ditch on each side. Well, there was about 100 – or over 100 cars that were formulated from Springfield and they would pick up 10 or 15 cars as they went along.

The United Mine Workers down there let them get across the levy and then they opened up, not to kill. But I was riding in a car, a Model A Ford Wilshire with a fellow by the name of Red Rape and the United Mine Workers just shot into the door with pellets, not buckshot. But most every car that was there had bullet holes in the side door and Red turned that Model A around on the levy and away we went for home.

That was a harrowing experience. I was tickled to death to get the hell out of there."

Springfield Journal-Register On Sigler Debate

2009-03-19T15:08:00.000-07:00

Thanks to Dave Bakke, columnist for the Springfield Journal-Register for his piece on the inclusion of Joe Sigler on the Illinois memorial for fallen police officers. You may read the full article here.

To my mind there's no doubt that Sigler should be included. It seems rather obvious that Sigler's protection was enlisted by Hugh Donnelly a member of the United Mine Workers, because Sigler was a police officer. And later that evening, Sigler sacrificed his life protecting Donnelly.

Joseph Sigler's badge & gun

There also seems to be some question of Sigler's occupation at the time of his death. During the mine war, it wasn't unusual for miners to also be deputized part-time law enforcement officers.

But for Sigler this wasn't the case. While Sigler had been a miner, the September 15, 1934 Taylorville Breeze-Courier reported: "Mr. Sigler was employed in the mines along the Midland for several years but for the last several months has been employed as special policeman at Bulpitt." Clearly his sole occupation at the time of his death was police officer.

And even though Sigler was a member of the Progressive Miners of America, his decision to protect UMWA member Donnelly demonstrated that Sigler valued life and civic duty above all. Too often the sensational violence of the mine war obscures the fact that a number of the founding members of the Progressive Miners were committed pacifists. To my mind, Sigler's actions were consistent with the methods set forth by those leaders as well as the basic tenets of community unionism.

Let's hope the overseers of the state memorial are wise enough to add Sigler's name to the monument. He earned it.

Sigler To Be Honored In Washington, D.C.

2009-02-23T06:41:00.000-08:00

The National Law Enforcement Officers Memorial will add the name of mine war martyr, Joseph Sigler on May 13. The National Law Enforcement Officers Memorial Fund commemorates the service and sacrifice of law enforcement officers.

Sigler served a unique role within the tiny community of Bulpitt, IL. While he was a miner and member of the Progressive Miners of America, he also worked for the village as a special police officer. I'll write more on this later, but suffice to say that it wasn't unusual for miners to be enlisted as law enforcement officers in these small communities. And at times, the law enforcement officers of a village could be at odds with the county sheriff or even the state militia.

Harry Jones and Joe Sigler are among those memorialized on the Mother Jones Monument in Mt. Olive, IL

On September 15, 1934, the Taylorville Breeze Courier editorialized, "The death of Joe Sigler, Bulpitt Special Policeman, yesterday adds another death to the uncalled for shooting out there early Monday morning and removes from that community another of its splendid citizens.

Harry Jones and Joe Sigler paid the price of their lives while trying to insure the safety of one of their local citizens...Sigler was a Progressive but he respected the rights of others who might differ in opinion with him."

Of course the conflict was rooted in far more than a difference of opinion, but Sigler's actions demonstrated that he valued life above all. And for me at least, his actions demonstrated that he adhered to the PMA's initial code of non-violence.

However, it's not clear that Sigler's sacrifice will be acknowledged by the Illinois Law Enforcement Memorial. While an event is scheduled for May 7 in Springfield, IL, Sigler's name has as yet to be added. Hopefully Illinois will accord the same honor to Sigler that the National Law Enforcement Officers Memorial saw fit to bestow.

Who Killed Joe Sigler?

2009-02-15T10:04:00.000-08:00

"Who shot Sigler and Jones? Whoever may know is not telling. The 'mine war' takes care of its own; and it makes good business for the undertakers."

Murder Stalks The Coal Field
Decatur Herald & Review
Februrary 10, 1935

Joe Sigler and Harry Jones were shot and killed on September 10, 1934 in a small coal mining town in downstate Illinois. The incident occurred in Bulpitt, a tiny village which barely covers four square blocks. But in 1934, this remote immigrant community found itself in the heart of a violent mine war.

Joe Sigler
(courtesy of Sigler family)

Although the loyalty of Taylorville miners was divided, nearby Bulpitt was firmly in the camp of the Progressive Miners. Hugh “Happy” Donnelly was among those strikers who initially defied Peabody Coal Company and the UMWA. However, a miner’s income was always precarious and the financial stress brought on by months of striking compelled Donnelly to cross the picket line and return to work.

Donnelly’s decision was not well-received in this close-knit community. According to press reports, in the early morning hours of September 10, 1934, tempers flared at the Hyde Park Beer Parlor, a neighborhood saloon. Bulpitt Special Police Officer, Joe Sigler was also present and witnessed the escalating tension. To avoid physical harm, Donnelly requested Sigler escort him to his home. Sigler agreed and he and his brother Frank walked Donnelly the few blocks to his house.

Reaching their destination minutes later, Donnelly pointed to bullet holes made that night on the front of his house. Neighbor Harry Jones joined them as Frank Sigler departed. Shortly after, shots were fired, hitting Jones and Joe Sigler. Jones died the next evening while Sigler succumbed to his wounds four days later.

The shootings were reported to the local sheriff and Donnelly was taken into custody although released a few hours later. While a coroner’s inquest was held on Sigler’s murder no one was ever indicted for the crime.

Protect Blair Mountain

2009-01-22T15:06:00.000-08:00

The Battle of Blair Mountain was the largest armed insurrection in the U.S. following the Civil War. In 1921, 10,000 armed West Virginia coal miners marched against years of brutality and exploitation at the hands of mine owners and their lackey government officials.

After several days, the federal government intervened with disproportionate force, employing a bomber squadron commanded by Major General Billy Mitchell. Mitchell was eager to demonstrate the use of air power to quell domestic unrest.

The anti-union sheriff and state police reported over 30 dead while 50 -100 miners died in the conflict. Subsequently, 985 miners were indicted for "murder, conspiracy to commit murder, accessory to murder, and treason against the State of West Virginia."

Today the site of that famous battle is itself under threat. The same economic forces which drove the exploitation of West Virginia miners now decimates the landscape and poisons the ground water. The radical coal mining practice known as mountaintop removal also threatens to destroy the Blair Mountain battlefield and annihilate an important labor historical site.

In this short video, Kenny King of Friends of Blair Mountain details the threat to this national historic site.

There's a great organized effort to protect the Appalachian ecosystem. Through iLoveMountains.org, 7 grassroots organizations from 5 Appalachian states have come together to use cutting edge technology to inform and involve Americans in their efforts to save the mountains.

A common and false argument in favor of coal mining pits jobs and the local economy against environmental preservation. But as the web site Appalachian Voices points out, "According to the bureau of labor statistics, in the early 1950’s there were between 125,000 and 145,000 miners employed in West Virginia; in 2004 there were just over 16,000. During that time, coal production has increased."

The process to reduce the mining workforce has been ongoing for generations. Coal operators began to push labor-saving mechanization in the 1920's and today we see it in the industry's embrace of the mountaintop removal mining. Clearly job creation or preservation has nothing to mountaintop removal.

You can help today by writing to Congress in support of the Clean Water Protection Act. Across the Appalachian coalfields, more than 1200 miles of streams are now buried and destroyed by mountaintop removal. The Clean Water Protection Act is necessary to protect clean drinking water for many of our nation’s cities. The Clean Water Protection Act is also necessary to protect the quality of life for Appalachian coalfield residents who face frequent catastrophic flooding and pollution or loss of drinking water as a result of mountaintop removal.

You may also learn more about the famous labor uprising in Robert Shogan's 2004 book, The Battle of Blair Mountain: The Story of America's Largest Labor Uprising.

Save the Victor Miner's Union Hall

2008-12-27T09:01:00.000-08:00

Here's a recent article from Colorado's Woodland Park Courier Gold Rush. It's a worthy effort to preserve a piece of working class history.

Miners Union Hall Revival

by Pat Hall

Bullet holes and history, the Miners' Union Hall in Victor harbors a story of glory and defeat. In its heyday the union hall was a gathering place for the city's miners, a time of peace between labor and management.

"You could almost see this as a symbol of the success of miners and miners' organizations, at least for the West, if not for the country and, to some extent, miners all over the world," said Katherine Sturdevant, a professor of history at Pikes Peak Community College who is leading a campaign to restore the crumbling hall.

Flyer from the Western Federation of Miners

"Is Colorado In America?"

An architectural gem built in 1901-1902, the hall on 4th Street in Victor was a source of pride for the miners as well as the city. Today the building shows little sign of its former majesty yet retains its hold on the imagination, the optimistic people like Sturdevant. Never mind that the cornices at the top of the building have disappeared. "We're hoping that, if someone has pieces of it, they may turn up," she said. "There's a lot to the exterior that would be brought back to this beautiful old building."

The story of Sturdevant's ancestors mirrors the history of the hall. Her great-grandfather, John Harper, followed the gold rush of 1894 to Victor where he joined the Western Federation of Miners. As a result, Harper was part of the union's first successful strike in the district.

"That gave the miners a position; it wasn't the kind of strike that was the uglier side of this industrial war. It was a success because they were able to negotiate," said Sturdevant, who is named for her great-grandmother Katherine Harper. "From 1894 through 1903 there was a balance of power when the miners could have their own homes," she said.

At one time, Harper managed the Gold Coin Mine and enjoyed the respect of the miners as well as the owners. The family lived on Lawrence Street in Victor.

From peacetime to the uglier side, the labor wars in the districtstarted with the strike of 1904-05 when the miners quit work in support of other unions, the smelters' in Pueblo, for instance.

"For the owners and other business people in Victor and Cripple Creek, that support was an opportunity to weaken the power of the unions," Sturdevant said.

The strike exploded when a bomb went off at the Independence Depot in Victor, killing 13 scabs (strike-breaking miners) and wounding several others. The Western Federation of Miners was blamed for the attack. "It has never been proven who set the bomb," Sturdevant said. "It could have been the union or somebody who wanted the union to look bad."

When the bomb went off all hell broke loose when mine owners staged a riot on 4th Street, threatening to expel the miners. About this time, Gov. James Peabody, who was sympathetic to the owners, sent in the state's militia and arrested the miners.

"The militia fired on the union hall; the bullet holes are still there," Sturdevant said. "The hall has been the symbol of the miners' hard work and success but then it was being fired on as a symbol of labor's organizing power which the owners didn't want."

The militia wreaked havoc on the hall, destroying the vital historical records. "My great-grandparents had to sell the house and leave after the strike," Sturdevant said.

"The building is a symbol of the destruction suffered by the miners, the abandonment of the building as the failure of the strike. That's why I think it could be a nationally- and internationally-known center."

Barbara McMillan, part-time Victor resident, owns the building but is prepared to sell the hall to the nonprofit organization, the Victor Heritage Society, for $37,000.

As a member of the society, Sturdevant has applied to the Colorado Historical Society for a $545,000 grant for stabilization and acquisition. The grant would require a 25 percent match, $136,000, from the society. "That's why we have a fundraising campaign," Sturdevant said. "Suppose we don't get the grant; then we're going to apply for other grants. Each one might only give a little but we still need the money. This is only phase I. Any amount would help."

Checks made out to the Victor Miners' Union Hall are tax-deductible. The checks can be mailed to Wells Fargo Bank, 5360 N. Academy Blvd., Colorado Springs, Colorado 80918: Attn: Deborah Clark-Cooper.

Copyright (c) 2008 - Colorado Community Newspapers Online

New Documentary : West Frankfort Mine Disaster

2008-12-09T15:12:00.000-08:00

Independent producer/reporter Chris Yoars has just completed a 16 minute piece on the West Frankfort Mine Disaster.

You may listen to the documentary by clicking here.

Life magazine image: Rescue workers watch silently as a
corpse comes up the shaft that had to be carried two
miles underground through debris - December, 1951.

Here's the description:

"This documentary tells the story of the 1951 West Frankfort Mine disaster in which 119 men were killed in an explosion on the last shift before the Christmas holiday. On the evening of December 21st, 1951, citizens of West Frankfort, Illinois were shocked when the word 'explosion' echoed through the streets of their humble mining community. Just hours before West Frankfort’s Orient #2 mine was to close for the Christmas holiday, an underground blast killed 119 mineworkers during the second shift.

Over the next few days the blackened and charred bodies of miners were carried up from the depths of the mine and moved to the West Frankfort Jr. High School gym floor for identification.

The explosion garnered national attention and resulted in the passage of the Federal Coal Mine Safety Act of 1952. The West Frankfort disaster is the worst of its kind since 1940, leaving 111 widows and 176 fatherless children in its wake. Those who died at the Orient #2 Mine are still remembered by the town of West Frankfort."

Thanks to Chris for sharing this impressive doc.

Where Do You Live?

2008-11-02T15:18:00.000-08:00

While some have oversimplified the Illinois Mine War as a factional dispute between two unions, Peabody Coal Company was an integral player in the conflict. The evidence shows that John L. Lewis and the United Mine Workers worked closely with Peabody during the struggle.

Here's a little background on the early years of the Peabody Coal Company. It was founded by Francis S. Peabody in 1883 and was eventually incorporated in Illinois in 1890. By 1920 Peabody Coal Company was among the largest in the world.

Peabody acquired 848 acres near suburban Oak Brook, IL and had a 39-room Tudor Revival mansion constructed. However Peabody died in 1922, only a year after its completion. At that time the coal baron had amassed a personal fortune of over $35 million and business assets of over $75 million. In 1922, a coal miner might receive from $12 to $23 a week for his toil. Of course much of that was often returned to the coal operator for housing or to purchase goods in the company store.

Today one can visit the Mayslake estate and tour the Peabody mansion.

Peabody Mansion

While the Yale-educated Peabody certainly had a knack for business, apparently he never learned to share.

company houses, downstate Illinois

Democracy In District 12

2008-08-25T08:53:00.000-07:00

The formation of the Progressive Miners of America was not a knee-jerk response to to a perceived injustice. On the contrary, Illinois District 12 wrestled with John L. Lewis and the United Mine Workers International for years prior to the the PMA split.

Upon assuming office in 1920, John L. Lewis pushed to centralize the union power under the international. As the strongest district, Illinois District 12 struggled to maintain autonomy against Lewis' designs. In 1929, Lewis and the International were even served an injunction prohibiting interference in District 12 affairs.

Democracy wasn't restored District 12 members until 1959 with the passage of the Landrum-Griffin Act. Perhaps coincidentally, Lewis resigned in January, 1960.

Thanks to Lisa Andrews of UMWA District 12 for supplementing my research on this issue.

Resisting Occupation

2008-08-09T07:38:00.000-07:00

Taylorville, IL was occupied by the state militia under martial law from September, 1932 through March, 1933. While the stated purposed was to quell violence, repeated bombings and murders occurred during that occupation.

To the PMA and its supporters, the role of the state militia was quite clear; support Peabody Coal and the United Mine Workers and break the strike. Although state government claimed to be non-partisan in the dispute between the unions, its disruption of PMA picket lines and protection of imported strike breakers clearly demonstrated which side state government supported.

While the bloody intervention of state or federal troops on behalf of business interests is an all-too-common story in U.S. labor history, formal opposition to such action by local government is far from ordinary.

After more than a month of oppressive occupation, the Illinois State Journal noted:

"October 17, 1932 - The local city council, at a special meeting tonight, took action to curb through legal channels activities of Illinois National Guard units stationed in the Christian county mining area.

The resolution was presented following the reading of a 4,000-word opinion written by City Attorney Leal W. Reese which cited legal restrictions placed upon the soldiers and declared that men have a right to resist to the extreme attempts made to arrest them illegally.

The opinion declared that military men on duty to quell civil disturbances 'cannot do anything which other peace officers cannot do that they cannot arrest without warrants nor hold prisoners without preferring immediate charges.' The opinion further declared the military authorities have no right to molest peaceable persons on the street nor in public places. It held also that any person thus 'illegally arrested, abused, or assaulted has the right to resist the arrest with force." (emphasis added)

You may recall an earlier entry on the bombing of Mr. Reese's home. His actions to restore civil liberties in Taylorville help explain why he became a target in the mine war.

1934 West Coast Waterfront Strike

2008-07-26T09:21:00.000-07:00

1930's labor unrest was hardly limited to central and southern Illinois. It was a national phenomenon.

Here is a Pathe newsreel from the excellent Internet Archive on the 1934 San Francisco Maritime Strike.

The newsreel shows another all too common example the use of the state militia to protect the interests of the business class.

The wave of strikes heightened the crisis of the Great Depression and drew attention to the plight of workers. The social programs of Roosevelt's New Deal came in part to quell those expressions of union militancy and prevent more drastic changes from occurring.

There is little doubt that without that pressure from the labor movement, the New Deal would have provided far less for the average citizen.

Why March?

2008-06-11T04:56:00.000-07:00

The mass marches and demonstrations which characterized much of the PMA's early public action came from an Illinois miner tradition established decades earlier. Historian Rosemary Feurer distinguishes these marches from demonstrations in the U.S. today:

"In the U.S. I think we’ve devolved to the march as symbol only. The march as like a witness.

And what happened in Illinois in the 1930's, the march was first about shutting down the mines, truly shutting down the mines by putting your body in front of a car that was coming directly at you if necessary. The miners did that because it was their lifeblood and they were part of this tradition of recognizing that when you march or when you picket you really have to be willing to shut down production."

How Did Lewis Prevail?

2008-04-26T11:35:00.000-07:00

James Gray Pope is Professor of Law & Sidney Reitman Scholar at Rutgers University. Prof. Pope has written extensively on depression era labor law and history including the article,
The Western Pennsylvania Coal Strike of 1933, Part II: Lawmaking From Above and the Demise of Democracy in the United Mine Workers.

In this article, Pope dissects John L. Lewis' strategy to thwart pro-democracy unionists and enhance his own power:

"Lacking support among the miners, Lewis formed alliances with coal operators. In Illinois, the contracts that had been 'ratified' by fiat in 1932 was due to expire in March 1933. Although the PMA had majority support in many mines, (and probably in the state as a whole), Lewis sat down with the Illinois Coal Operators Association and negotiated a two-year extension until April 1935. Calling this agreement an 'emergency measure,' Lewis refused to submit it to the miners for ratification. The operators then decline to deal with the PMA on the ground that they were under contract to the UMW. Thus, PMA members were presented with the choice of accepting representation by the UMW or striking. In most areas, local government responded by prohibiting assemblies and picketing by both unions, a superficially neutral policy that hampered PMA protests and protected UMW contracts." (p. 257)

And while Section 7 (a) of the newly enacted National Industrial Recovery Act should have protected the rights of Illinois miners to join the union of their choice, jurisdiction over the PMA's dispute was bounced between the courts and the regional board of the National Bituminous Coal Labor Board. In PMA President Claude Pearcy's words, the stalemate left the PMA with "no legal rights except to occupy the status of a lemon to be squeezed by Johnson and his so-called labor boards." (p. 259) (General Hugh S. Johnson was the administrator of the National Recovery Administration.)

The complete article is available from Labor History, Volume 44

What Is Community-Based Unionism?

2008-04-14T13:57:00.001-07:00

Studying the mine war, it can be easy to focus on the the sensational violence and yet overlook the important principles which were contested. Certainly with the theft of the wage referendum ballots, the democratic rights of the rank-and-file had been usurped. But the formation of the Progressive Miners of America also heralded a model of unionism that was structurally different than its predecessor.

This alternative unionism or community-based unionism is discussed in Staughton Lynd's book, "We Are All Leaders", The Alternative Unionsim of the Early 1930's. In the introduction, Lynd writes, "By whatever name, this alternative unionism was democratic, deeply rooted in mutual aid among workers in different crafts and work sites, and politically independent. The key to the value system of alternative unionism was its egalitarianism." (p. 3) Contrasted to bureaucratic unionism in which power is wielded from the top and tactics and decision-making are handled by national leaders, alternative unionism is characterized by a horizontal formation of rank-and-file workers who actively participate in most aspects of the union. Further, adherents to alternative unionism tend to view their constituency across a broad class spectrum while bureaucratic unionism tends to function more narrowly within the immediate concerns of its membership and contracts.

In the 1930's, this division was heightened considerably due to John L. Lewis' paternalistic leadership of the UMWA. Arguably, the PMA was attempting to uphold and formalize a nascent form of community unionism which grew within the Illinois coal fields for decades. With Lewis' ascendancy to the UMWA presidency in 1920 came a relentless push to centralize union authority under his auspices.

The Way Life Was

2008-03-23T08:43:00.000-07:00

Earl Hutchison was a small boy during the mine war. He and his family lived in Tovey and Virden Illinois during the conflict. In his 2006 book, Growing Up On The Illinois Prairie During The Great Depression And The Coal Mine Wars: A Portrayal Of The Way Life Was, Dr. Hutchison recounts his experiences as a young boy living under the cloud of economic calamity and a violent labor war.

In this excerpt, Hutchison attempts to understand why as a six-year-old, he shot out the windows of the local mine owner as well as the perpetual violence that gripped the region:

“Perhaps part of my actions here and elsewhere stem from what I call 'resident' or 'landed' memories. The essence of a man or a woman, I believe, stems not only from their heritage and their actions but from the land they live on. The milieu they live in. If the land or the milieu has a history of turbulence and violence, that influence may be paramount: The consciousness it exerts on those living on that land, an endosymbiosis, cannot be dismissed as inconsequential.”

While Hutchison’s tome is a valuable oral history of the times, the publisher Edwin Mellen Press specializes in academic research works which will prevent this book from being affordable for many. (It's priced at $109.95) However, Hutchison and the publisher are to be commended for preserving a history that is too often ignored. And while the book may be out of personal reach, the local public or university library may very well be able to acquire a copy.

“Coal Field Hell Raiser”

2008-03-09T14:48:00.000-07:00

The Progressive Miners of America distinguished itself in a number of ways. Perhaps the most important was the role that women played in organizing and leadership. As a community-based union, the PMA viewed its struggle as that of the community and not limited to the male members of the organization. As pointed out in an earlier post, PMA women organized themselves and became active organizers and leaders in the struggle. Sometimes they were willing to take risks that their male counterparts were unwilling to assume.

Much of that early activism was led by the first President of the Women’s Auxiliary of the Progressive Miners of America, Agnes Burnes Wieck.

The East St. Louis Journal noted:

“In the old days, women of the mine areas were a hazard to the success of any strike. The men knew that a complaining woman at home could drive the most militant union man back to the pits without victory.

Now the women, organized under the auxiliary, glory in the privations they suffer. They would not let the men go back if they wanted to go, unless the return was a distinct victory. That, says Mrs. Wieck, is why there never can be a compromise between the Progressives and the U.M.W.A. in Illinois.

The second factor is that as an organization the women have taken an important role in the actual hostilities. The have picketed and the have marched in demonstrations. The have held meetings in the face of orders forbidding meetings. Where they might have starved singly, they have learned through organization to raise money for food, clothing, and strike expenses.”

Charles M. Swart, “Agnes Burnes Weick (sic) – Coal Fields Hell Raiser,” East St. Louis Journal, Illinois Magazine, 22 October 1933, 1.

To learn more about her life and contributions, read Woman from Spillertown, A Memoir of Agnes Burnes Wieck, by her son David Thoreau Wieck

"Verdict in Springfield"

2008-03-04T13:09:00.000-08:00

Here's an online article which was originally published in Time magazine on December 27, 1937. The article was written on the federal conviction of 36 members of the Progressive Miners "of conspiring to blow up trains and thus interfere with 1) the mails and 2) interstate commerce."

While the verdicts dealt a near-fatal blow to the union, trial testimony also pointed to collusion between the coal operators and the United Mine Workers. That testimony was never refuted in the trial. Here's an excerpt from the Illinois State Journal's trial coverage, December 11, 1937.

“W.R. Swafford, Harrisburg, ...testified Friday he was instructed by an official of the Peabody Coal Co. to simulate a gun battle during miners’ riot in Harrisburg in October of 1933 to raise sympathy and get the militia out.

Swafford, ... said he acted under orders of W. C. Craggs,... at that time superintendent of the company’s No. 43 mine near Harrisburg.

... According to previous testimony presented in the trial, ...a mass meeting of miners was held in Harrisburg, a march was made on the mine, a gun battle followed, and troops were called out to restore order.

Swafford, ... said Craggs gave him a sawed-off shot gun and a rifle and four boxes of shells and told him to go out on the mine property to guard the mine’s fan house. ‘If anyone starts shooting,’ Swafford quoted Craggs as instructing him, ‘do all the shooting you can so we can raise sympathy and get the militia in here.’

...He also testified he saw a company-owned truck, covered with sheet iron leave the property about 10 p.m., and asserted he saw three machine guns, rifles, shotguns, ammunition, and a couple of boxes of dynamite in a mine office...

He asserted that earlier in 1933, from June 30 to July 5, he said about two hundred others were requested to stay in the mine to arouse sympathy and get the militia called out. Pressed by Prosecutor Welly K. Hopkins to tell who gave him those orders, the witness replied it was general talk at the time. ‘Didn’t you really stay in the mine because it was heavily picketed?’ Hopkins asked. ‘No,’ he replied, ‘I went home one night and was not molested. The company wanted us to look like we were picketed in.’”

On This Day, 75 Years Ago...

2008-02-25T17:41:00.000-08:00

On Februrary 25, 1933 the New York Times reported multiple injuries at the Capitol mine in Springfield, IL. Several miles away, State Senator W.E.C Clifford of Champaign, IL convened a State Senate hearing on site to "investigate the conditions at the Peerless mine of the Peabody Coal Company."

The Progressives had been picketing the Peerless mine, but relocated to the Capitol mine and Woodside mine where approximately 1000 Progressives confronted members of the UMWA. Deputies rushed to each mine. At least one picket was shot and four others injured. The paper reported that two sheriff's deputies were also "beaten down, but whether by picket or working miners was not learned."

While it's true that many incidents occurred in less populated areas downstate, this New York Times piece shows that it wasn't unusual for mine war violence to occur within a stone's throw of the state capitol.

"We were not ladies. We were women."

2008-02-13T08:41:00.001-08:00

The Women's Auxiliary of the Progressive Miners of America provided crucial support for the union during conflicts and strikes. Beyond its support function, it provided the impetus and backbone for much of the early militancy and commitment to organizing which characterized the early years of the union.

Irene Allard was a founding member of the Women's Auxiliary of the Progressive Miners of America. She was also married to Gerry Allard, the first editor of the PMA's newspaper, The Progressive Miner. In a 1974 interview conducted by Barbara Herndon and Nick Cherniavsky, Irene discussed the formation of the Women's Auxiliary.

Prior to the mine war, Irene was a member of the the Ladies Auxiliary of the United Mine Workers:

"We went to a meeting in Clinton, Indiana. A miners meeting...And on the stage was these women with their white uniforms. And they were the ladies auxiliary of Clinton Indiana or wherever. And Hazel (Ansboury) and I were so impressed with this thing that on the way home we decided we're going to organize a ladies auxiliary in West Frankfort. And we did. I don't remember how many women we had to start with but they were enthusiastic and we called ourselves ladies auxiliary because that's what the Indiana women called themselves."

"We had our group and we wore white uniforms – well all they were was house dresses, you know – Hoover aprons we used to call them – they tied in the back. And we had a little starch cap that we wore – 'Ladies Auxiliary' on it."

"And when the Progressive Miners was organized we retained the women but they changed the name to 'Women's Auxiliary' because we were not ladies we were women."

"Well I'm proud of it, that I had a part to play in that because uh, they were glorious. That's the only word I know for them. And I think without the women the men would not have gone as far as they did."

Telegram To Governor Horner

2008-01-27T08:27:00.000-08:00

Here's a 1934 telegram from the Taylorville Women's Auxiliary of the Progressive Miners of America to Illinois Governor Horner. They were protesting the ceaseless violence in their community.

The Progressives frequently implored state, local and federal government to protect their right to assemble, speak and organize. Typically these pleas were ignored or resulted in government intervention on behalf of the United Mine Workers and the coal companies. And when the federal government chose to act, it indicted 41 members of the Progressive Miners in 1936. Subsequently 34 were sent to federal prison.

The source of this image is the State's Hard Times in Illinois. It's an interesting site, but the claim that "as time passed the Progressive Miners increasingly became influenced by communist interests" is unsubstantiated. In fact, both the Progressives and the United Mine Workers often engaged in paranoid red-baiting.

"They Were Just Trying To Make A Point."

2008-01-22T15:15:00.000-08:00

Attorney Daniel Reese was a young boy when Taylorville, IL during the mine war. His father, Leal Reese was an attorney for the Progressive Miners of America. The Reese home suffered retaliatory bombings on several occasions during that time.

The level of violence had become so intense that it had even caught the attention of the New York Times. The July 24, 1933 edition reports, "Five bombs were exploded and a watchman was shot and wounded early today in a renewal of Christian County's coal mine controversy."

"Bombs were exploded at the homes of three officials of the Progressive Miners of America, labor union trying to wrest control from the older United Mine Workers of America."

Daniel Reese explains, "There were two separate bombings. They bombed the front porch. They blew the pillars off a little bit. Then another time they blew the back porch or the house here."

He adds, "I don't think they actually tried to hurt anybody. They were just trying to make a point I think."

And who were "they"?

"Well, that was the other side - the United Mine Workers. I don't think anyone was prosecuted for the bombing here. There were so many things going on like that, it was hard to prosecute everybody... Jurors kind of overlooked these things as a social problem, not a criminal problem...I think people were all glad when it ended eventually."

Mine War Project Highlighted in State Journal-Register

2008-01-14T17:17:00.000-08:00

Thanks very much to State Journal-Register columnist, Dave Bakke who reviewed the mine war project yesterday. Thanks to that article, I've received numerous calls and emails from area residents who want to share their memories of that conflict. I'll have my hands full over the next few months recording their stories.

For those who haven't seen the print edition, the paper was able to run one photo with article. This is an image of the state militia outside a mine in Kincaid.

Here are two others taken from the same newsreel that didn't make the cut.

"Its early demise is a certainty."

2008-01-07T15:37:00.000-08:00

Here is an excerpt from UMWA President, John L. Lewis' public statement issued September 4, 1932, just one day after the Progressive Miners of America was founded:

"The formation of the so-called Progressive Miners of America at the Gillespie meeting, will serve to materially clarify the situation in the mining districts of Illinois. The meeting at Gillespie was merely representative of local unions already in insubordination and in violation of the wage agreement with the Illinois Coal Operators Association. Such a meeting could only legislate for the comparatively small number of men engaged in a hopeless rebellion...

The organization of this so-called union will enable the malcontents and enemies of the United Mine Workers to become members of their own model union. It will also enable the loyal members of the United Mine Workers of America to fulfill their contractual obligations and provide for the wants of their families. The United Mine Workers of America, at an early date, will move to purge its membership rolls of all those individuals responsible for the formation of this dual organization. It will also move to punish those individuals guilty of misappropriation of the funds of the United Mine Workers of America through expenditures in behalf of the conspiracy to organize, aid and continue this dual organization.

The so-called Progressive Miners of America will indubitably suffer the same fates as a long list of its predecessor dual organizations, which, from time to time, have been organized by short-sighted men to displace the United Mine Workers of America. This so-called new union is without competent leadership, wage contracts, administrative funds or logical policies. It lacks even the confidence of its founders. Its early demise is a moral certainty. Those who elect to follow its fortunes will become merely dupes of a few designing men who lack capacity for leadership and who, in the end, will betray their deluded followers."

More On Illinois Politics

2007-12-30T12:58:00.001-08:00

I recently interviewed Rosemary Feurer, Professor of History at Northern Illinois University. As noted on the university website, she is an expert on "labor issues and conflict within the context of U.S. capitalist development during the late nineteenth and twentieth century."

Here is Feurer's take on the downstate Illinois politics in the early 20th century:

"The political landscape in those small mining towns was so much more diverse than we can imagine in the present. They would be exposed to a variety of parties, from the Socialist Party, the Communist Party, the Socialist Labor Party. The Socialist Party sent in organizers and were very successful in organizing for Socialist candidates from the early 1900’s right up through the 1930’s."

She adds: "In some of these towns, that meant that the other parties (the Democrats and Republicans) had to do things to get workers to listen to them. And one of those things I should add that was really critical was they said, 'We will make sure the sheriff doesn’t break up your picket line. We will make sure if we’re elected as the judge that you’re not going to get an injunction.' So the Democratic and the Republican parties both had to listen. And so workers made those parties respond even if the third parties didn’t win, it had a very important effect that was tangible for miners."

Please take time to read Rosemary's book, Radical Unionism In The Midwest, 1900-1950 which was published in 2006. You can read more about this book here.

Prof. Feurer is also a documentary filmmaker. Here is the link to her project on the Virden Massacre and her recent film on the life of Mother Jones. Laura Vasquez collaborated on both of these projects.

Downstate Illinois Politics In The 1930's

2007-12-27T05:47:00.000-08:00

I was fortunate to have the opportunity to interview Victor Hicken in 2004. Hicken is Professor Emeritus of History at Western Illinois University. (He's also the author of a great history book entitled, Illinois in the Civil War.)

Before his academic career, Prof. Hicken worked in the mines, an occupation that extended back generations in his family. Like many miners living in Gillespie, Illinois in the early 1930's, Hicken's father split from the United Mine Workers and joined the Progressive Miners of America.

Here is an excerpt from an article by Dr. Hicken on the range of political parties that were active in downstate Illinois.

"In the election of 1920, for instance, there was no Communist Party listed on Illinois ballots, but the Socialist and Socialist-Labor candidates won 1,291 votes in that county. Compared to a non-coal county such as Adams, the difference was remarkable. Larger in population than Macoupin, Adams County gave 404 votes to both of the radical candidates.

Four years later, in 1924, with the Progressive party, Socialist-Labor party, and Workers' Party (Communist) candidates on the ballots, Macoupin County tallied 6,959 votes for the first, thirty-two for the second, and seventy-seven for the last. Once again, this far exceeded the Adams county votes for the candidates of those three parties.

The Communist vote in Macoupin went up by far in 1928, but in 1932 the results were more interesting. Norman Thomas received 1,567 votes, the Socialist-Labor candidate won fifty-one votes, and the Communist candidate received 134 votes. The Lemke-O'Brien Union Party ticket was to affect the 1936 election, drawing 950 votes in Macoupin county, but a study of the Socialist party vote in that election is revealing. There was no Communist candidate, and one may assume that votes ordinarily going in that direction would be cast for the venerable Norman Thomas. Thomas did well in three areas in Macoupin: in Benld, in Gillespie, where he received his largest support, and in one of the Dorchester precincts. Dorchester itself is a little farming village, but it does have one precinct which covers the Wilsonville area, where Superior Mine No. 4 is located. There Thomas got forty votes which, by calculation, amounts to almost three times the number which the candidate received in five precincts of Carlinville, the county seat."

This certainly offers evidence of the broad range of political ideas debated among voters in those days. And a far cry from the narrow options we're offered by the dominant political parties today.

Weapons From The Mine War

2007-12-23T19:36:00.000-08:00

Hundreds, perhaps thousands of weapons were seized by the state militia during the mine war. Many of these weapons were donated to the Illinois State Museum.

At last contact, the museum hadn't yet cataloged their holdings but here's an example.

Peabody Denied Strikebreakers Were Used

2007-12-08T10:18:00.000-08:00

The use of strikebreakers by Peabody was a contentious issue.

Here's a statement by W.C. Argust, division superintendent of the Peabody Coal Company, reported in the Illinois State Journal, October 11, 1932:

"I read an article in one of the Springfield papers Sunday quoting Jerry Allard, one of the Progressive Mine leaders, as saying that the Peabody Coal company is importing strike breakers here in an attempt to break the strike. That is just another of the infamous lies that is being told the miners to keep their movement alive...

In the reopening of our No. 9 mine at Langleyville we did so only after a sufficient number of men had voluntarily called at the Peabody Coal company office and requested that we reopen the mine that they might be enabled to return to their work."

As it turns out, strikebreakers were being used, apparently recruited in part by the United Mine Workers.

The Mine War Divided Families Too

2007-12-08T07:29:00.000-08:00

In an article from last Sunday's StateJournal-Register, Dave Bakke discusses a poem written about Tovey, Illinois and its road commissioner, Joe Lisse.

Before he became road commissioner, Joe was a miner. And like almost every downstate miner, Joe and his brother, Duke were drawn into in the mine war. But in their case,they supported opposite sides. Joe "went Progressive" while Duke remained with the United Mine Workers. While they remained amicable, such splits could disrupt families for years to come.

You may read the article by clicking here.

"We've Got A War A Goin'!"

2007-12-08T05:52:00.000-08:00

After the Progressives struck the Peabody mines in the Taylorville area, the United Mine Workers recruited workers from southern Illinois to break the strike.

Pauline Lindsey's father was member of the United Mine Workers who was recruited from Carterville, Illinois, about 150 miles south of Taylorville.

"These men that came up - they didn’t have any money. That’s the problem. And they came to get jobs. Because Carterville-owned mines out there had quit. It was done. So they had no jobs and they had no money."

In a recent interview, Pauline described what it was like to live under martial law in Taylorville.

"You didn’t know whether to speak to somebody or not and then the soldiers came in – we lived right across from that building – big old building up there. They were on the roof.

And of course, I wanted to go up town and I started up town. And the man hollered down with his gun. And he said, 'Go home woman!' And he said it again the next day. He said, 'We’ve got a war goin’!' So I didn’t go out any more."

"The Shaft" by C.D. Stelzer

2007-12-02T08:20:00.000-08:00

The Illinois Times published this article on the mine war by C.D. Stelzer on June 21, 2007:

"Bill Warner never knew how close he came to dying. After clocking out at the Mount Olive, Ill., waterworks around midnight, he decided to walk home by way of the Union Miners Cemetery. Entering the graveyard, he ambled past the tombstones, pausing to gaze from afar at the silhouette of a shrouded monument. He then strode to within a couple of feet of the cloaked obelisk and again stopped in his tracks.

Warner had no idea that every move he made was being watched by eight men, each aiming a shotgun in his direction, finger on the trigger. Nor would the former coal miner ever learn that his near-death experience would become part of the region’s storied labor history..." full article

Boyhood Recollections of Frank Maras, Part 1

2007-12-01T12:22:00.000-08:00

Frank Maras is a retired coal miner who was raised on a farm just outside of Bulpit, Illinois. Bulpit is near Taylorville, Illinois which was the site of major mining operations for the Peabody Coal Company. Angered by the recent contract vote which was believed to have been subverted by union officials, dissident miners struck the Peabody mines in the Taylorville area.

In an interview on November 6, Frank shared his vivid boyhood memories of the mine war. Frank’s father came out on strike against Peabody Coal Company at the outset of the conflict:

During the mine war itself, (we called it a war which it actually was) there was, I’m going to estimate at least nineteen – twenty people killed in the Kincaid area. In fact, one of them, one of them was killed within a block of our home on the farm. And being a kid like I was, I knew nothing about it until the next morning after it happened. It only happened about a block away from us.

And I looked. I was a little small and our kitchen was in the basement. I had to stand on a chair to look out the window and I saw a bunch of cars on the main street of Bulpit. Which is unusual because most of the cars in Bulpit was on blocks.

Bulpit was ninety-eight per cent Progressive. There was two or three coal miners that went back to work. They were in them days - they were called “scabs”.

But anyhow I asked my mom, I says, “Well what’s all the cars doing in Bulpit?”

She says, ”Well they had a shooting last night.” She said, “In fact, one of the balls just missed your dad. He stuck his head out of the window and the bullet went just by him and he didn’t look no more”.

Three Cheers for the Christian County Coal Mine Museum

2007-11-29T14:32:00.000-08:00

Over the past several months, I’ve had the opportunity to work with Will Stone, the head of the Christian County Coal Mine Museum.

Will is a retired miner who’s committed to preserving the history and lore of mining in the region. He has been very helpful in identifying folks in the Taylorville area who have memories to share.

Here’s a short video produced by WILL-TV on the museum:

The museum is located at 115 N. Washington in Taylorville, IL - (217) 823 - 1819.